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E-mail: [email protected] Aguiar Chivalry in Medieval Portugal In a .. do ideal da Cavalaria no Outono da Idade Média Portuguesa (Século XV). The Transmission of the Legend of the Destruction of Jerusalem in Medieval 'O sistema historiografico galego no Outono da Idade Media: seculos xtV-xv. This year, from October the 11th to the 13th, the Institute for Medieval Studies ( IEM | NOVA-FCSH) and the Call for papers VERSION CASTELLANA [.pdf].

Monteiro Rua Loefgreen, 1. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License, which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. METHODS: Prospective cohort of infants up to one year old who were born before 29 weeks of gestational age and infants under two years old with hemodynamically unstable cardiopathy or chronic pulmonary disease who received prophylactic palivizumab against severe respiratory syncytial virus infections in During the study period, in each episode of acute respiratory tract infection, nasopharyngeal aspirate was collected to identify respiratory syncytial virus, adenovirus, parainfluenza 1, 2 and 3, influenza A and B by direct immunofluorescence, rhinovirus and metapneumovirus by polymerase chain reaction preceded by reverse transcription.

Data regarding hospitalization and deaths were monitored. Of the 76 nasopharyngeal aspirates collected during respiratory tract infections, 37 were positive, as follow: rhinovirus Of the children, 48 Among these 18 children, one case of respiratory syncytial virus was identified. Two deaths were reported, but respiratory syncytial virus was not identified.

Introduction Respiratory syncytial virus RSV is the major cause of acute lower respiratory tract infections in children younger than 2 years of age.

It has a global distribution and a seasonal behavior. It is estimated that, worldwide, Among these, about 3. In general, primary RSV infection evolves as a common cold. Preterm children with chronic pulmonary disease, immunocompromised children, and children with heart diseases particularly cyanotic present greater risk of severe respiratory disease by RSV 3 - 6. Some environmental factors are also associated with higher incidence of RSV infections, such as exposure to smoke, attendance at day care centers, or household contact with other children 4 , 5.

In tropical and subtropical countries, the occurrence of RSV infections is greater in fall and winter, with significant regional variations 7.

There is no specific treatment for RSV infection 7 , 11 , and prophylaxis with a specific anti-RSV monoclonal antibody palivizumab is widely recommended for high-risk cases 4 - 6. Palivizumab is, however, a high cost medication. In Brazil, until , many children received this medication after judicial demands, not always based in technical criteria The resolution SS n. In this context, the objectives of the present study were to describe the etiology of acute viral respiratory infection in children on prophylaxis with palivizumab and to analyze the rates of hospitalizations and deaths in this group of children.

Method This was a prospective study with infants who received palivizumab at the Crie-Unifesp in The project was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the institution under n. The study included infants with indication of palivizumab according to the normative resolution SS n. These apocryphal texts consist of the Acta Pilati — for the facts concerning Joseph of Arimathea — and an unidentified historia apocrypha, for those related to Vespasian and Titus.

Voragine's work is one of the main sources used by the translator- compiler of the Miragres de Santiago.

This work survives in a single, incomplete manuscript BNM , which has been dated, on the basis of codicological evidence, to between the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century.

Its current title — the Miragres de Santiago escriptos por o Papa Calixto — was supplied by its first editor, Eugenio Lopez-Aydillo , and is problematic, because it implies a general use of an inner rubric for the whole work, a practice which was already evident in an eighteenth-century title on the spine: Milagros de Santiago escritos por " 'Tradititem Josephus, tantae eum sanca'tatis fuisse et ceiebritatis in populo, ut propter ejus necem, creditam sit subversam esse Hierosolyman' Jerome, n.

For an edition of the apocryphal texts see Tischendorf , or Santos Otero , who takes the texts from the previous edition. For a survey of these apocryphal texts see Erbetta This version is not related to the Latin versions known in the Peninsula. A partial version in Castilian of the Liber Sancti jacobi has been edited by Connolly a.

2018 Edition: Inclusion and Exclusion in Medieval Urban Europe

For its relationship to the Galician version, see Connolly a: The use of this title may even go back to the Conde de Miranda. Another legend related to Pilate was subsequently added. This link is explicitly justified by the translator-compiler because, as the end of the account of Pilate states: It is obvious that the connection between the destruction of Jerusalem and the history of Pilate was motivated by intradiegetic elements: However, it was also motivated by extratextual reasons, such as the sources used.

Voragine, when introducing the story about Pilate in De Passione Domini, declares: Et quia in mortem.

Christum tradiderunt, ludas per avaritiam, ludaei per invidiam, Pilatus per timorem, ideo videndum esset de poena a Deo his inflicta merito huius peccati. After the edition by Lopez-Aydillo the supposed Galician title was used as it appears in Lopez Lopez-Aydillo notes that in the inner part of the binding there is a note 'Del Sor.

Conde de Miranda', in an eighteenth-century hand 8.

The eighteenth-century binding caused the transposition of several quires. This text forms part of a thirteenth-century codex known as the TumbiUo de privflegios, concordias, constituciones which is now housed m the Archive of the Compostelan Basilica.

It lias been edited by Millan Thus, abstract Latin expressions are translated through the use of concrete referents in the Galician version; Voragine's allusions to apocryphal sources are omitted, replaced by elements that add greater textual cohesion, or completely eliminated in order to avoid a disparate view of events, as happens in the Legenda aurea.

However, as stated by the second editor of the Miragres, Jose L. Fensado , a part of the text is alien to Voragine's work. At first sight this innovation could be explained as the product of translation, for it is related to the concept of amplifying by means of binary pairings.

While in the Latin text Titus decides to sell thirty Jews for one denarius after the storming of Jerusalem, in the Galician version, apart from this decision, Titus also adopts the pairing of the Crucifixion and the division of the Jewish population into four parts, in each of these including references to Gospel narratives such as John However, going beyond these echoes, the interpolated Galician text is a translation of part of paragraph 31 of the Vindicta salvatoris.

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In view of this fact, Fensado considered two different possibilities: A detailed analysis of the text of the destruction of Jerusalem and related texts allows us to opt for only one of the possibilities put forward by Fensado. First of all, we can observe that the interpolated text from the Vindicta does not constitute a segment extracted indepen- dently from the apocryphal text without any other contamination. Elements that paraphrase the context of paragraph 31 of the Vindicta can be found both before and after its insertion.

Thus 'et tomou todo los judews que y achou, et dou senteca sobre eles co acordo de sua jente et diso asi' Pensado However, when the interpolation ends the translator picks up Voragine's text, despite the fact that his version is actually much closer to that of the Vindicia.

In the second place, the influence of the apocryphal text is not limited to the interpolated section and its context, but can actually be traced back to the history of Filate.

In the Legenda aurea the messenger of Tiberius Caesar is called Volusianus, while in the Galician version his name becomes Velosiano. At first sight this could be explained as an erroneous reading, but it becomes more significant when we take into account that the messenger of Tiberius in the Vindicta salvatoris is himself called Velosianus. This factor is by no means conclusive, for there is nothing to prevent us from postulating the existance of a version of the Legenda aurea in which the context was modified and the apocryphal text already interpolated, thus prompting the change from Volusiano to Velosiano.

However, commenting on the manuscript transmission of Voragine's work is hazardous because it survives in at least a thousand witnesses, and at present, no known version contains this name change.

One of these witnesses is another fragmentary Galician-Portuguese translation of the Legenda aurea. In the second and third folios there is part of the legend of the destruction of Jerusalem. This version lacks the apocryphal interpolation and does not adapt the context, although it remains faithful to Voragine. Lopez maintained that GaJictan and Portuguese were indistingirishable during the Middle Ages, whereas Viegas considered the translation as being into Portuguese.

The fragmentary translation survived in four parchment sheets which were used as flyleaves of a deed.

2_HUIZINGA, Johan. O Outono Da Idade Média_cap

Moreover, we should not forget the connection between the fragmentary Galician- Portuguese translation of the Legenda aurea and the Portuguese incunabulum. In this light, it is possible to deduce that the compiler of the Miragres also used the Vindicta as a source because the translation of the Legenda in the Miragres, Ho flos sanctorum, and the fragmentary Galician-Portuguese version belong to a common family, either because one of them constitutes the origin of this branch of translations or because they each translate the same Latin archetype of the Legenda.

Finally, we should note that the translator-compiler constructed a version of the legend of the destruction of Jerusalem in which the stories of James the Less, Vespasian and Titus, and Pilate are closely linked. Although in the case of the last two stories the translation represented in this manuscript family could have used the previously quoted words of Voragine in the section De Passione Domini, it is more been lost.

This work has been partially edited by Almeida Lucas Folio 82 is missing. In this folio the account of the life of James the Less would end and the one about the Destruction of Jerusalem would begin.

Fortunately it is possible to reconstruct the content of the missing folio taking into consideration the manuscript of the fragmentary version edited in because they belong to the same family. I am very grateful to Professor Askins for telling me that folio 82 is missing and to Professor Harvey Sharrer for kindly providing me with a print from the microfilm of the Portuguese incunabulum.

La leyenda de los santos Burgos: Juan de Burgos, c. The connection between Ho flos sanctorum and the Spanish version was pointed out by Martins ; and more recently qualified by Sharrer ; Almeida Lucas, without giving supplementary information, seems to state that the Spanish incunabulum is a translation of a Latin manuscript of Voragine: While in the Legenda aurea the two stories are independent and isolated, in the Vindicta they consititute a homogeneous whole.

As the translator-compiler says: Pensado E asy como os Judeus venderon a Jhesu xs. Por trinta dinheiros asy el ven- deo trinta Judeus por huum dinheiro p. Estes acpufcaro Nos- fro Senor Qusucristo en leno verde et feri- rono co lanca et nos enforqucmoslos en leno sequo et feira- moslos co lancas; et estes tomaro a saya de Nostro Senor Ihtv sucristo et fezero de- la quatro partes et nos tomemolos et purtainoslos en quat- ro partes; estes ven- ders Nostro Senor Ihssucrisfo por XXX dmefros et nos de- mas deles riinta por hu dififiro.

Et Tito commo o diso a si o acabou p. Interpolated passage in the Miragres and its source, the Vindicta Salvataris. I have underlined those sentences translated by the Galician compiler Miragres de Santiago Et despois eno ano segudo que Vespasia- no foy enperador, tomou Tito Jherusalem et destroyoa toda a vila et o teple por lo fondameto, et tomou los judeus que y achou, et dou senteca sobre eles co acordo de sua jente et diso asi: Estes acoutaro Nosfro Senor Ihesucrisfo en leno verde et ferirono co lanca et nos enforquemoslos en leno sequo et feiramoslos co lancas; et estes romaro a saya de Nostra Sehor Ihe- sucristo et fezero dela quatro partes et nos tomemolos et partamoslos en quatro partes; estes vendero Nosfro Senor Ihe- sacristo por XXX dmeiros et nos demos deles triinta por hu diWro.

Et Tito comrao o diso asi o acabou p. Et placuit Deo omnipotenti quod perrexerunt [Vespasianus et Titus] in Iudaeam et Ierusalem, etapprehenderunt subditos tuos et miserunt in eo iuditio quasi quomodo fecerunt quando apprehenderunt subditi tui Iesum et ligaverunt eum, XXXI. Et Vespasianus postea dixit: Quid faciemus de his qui remanebunt? Titus respondit: Suspenderunt illi Dominum nostrum in ligno yiridi et lancea percusser- unt eum: Vespasianus autem dixit: Quid de istis qui remanserunt?

Et ita fecerunt. Et dixi Vespasianus: De iis qui remanserunt quid autem faciemus?

Et ita fecerunt p. Contamination of the name of Tiberius's messenger under the influence of the Vindicta Salvatoris Legenda aurea Dbatque Volusiano sibi pri- uato. Vade citius trans par- tes marinas, dkesque Pilato, vt hunc Medicum mihi mit- tat, qui me pristinae sanitati restituat p.

Tunc statim miserunt nuntios suos ad Tiberium imperatoremtirbis Romanae ut mitteret Velosianum ad sa Et dixit ei: Textual closeness between the Miragres and Ho Flos Sanctorum in relation to their source, the Legenda aurea I have underlined in this work those sentences omitted in the others Legenda aurea Dicitur etiam, quod primus inter Apostolus Missam ce- lebravit.

Et este foi o pnmriro home que diso misa en ves- timeta de bispo. E este Santi- ago no dia de sesta feyra de endoencas quando mor- reo jhesucrisfo fez promis- sam que non comeria atee que visse seu senhor resusci- tado fo. Bibliografia de textos Catalans antics, Admyte O Madrid: Bibliothcca Socii Bollandiani.

Castro, Ivo, Caminho , pp. Connolly, Jane E. A Tentative Catalogue', in Saints Marietti , ii. FAbrega Grau, Angel, ed.

Pasionario hispdnica, Monumenta Hispaniae Sacrae: Serie Liturgicn, 6, 2 vols Madrid: Feldman, Louis H,, ed. Harvard UP. Fernandez-Ordonez, lnes, Las 'Estorias'de Alfonso el Sabio Madrid: Recuerdos de un viaje a Santiago de Galicia Madrid: Bullarmm , pp.

Flos Sanctorum Ho Flos Sanctorum em lingoagem portugues Lisboa: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies.

Texts, Toronto: Foulche-Delbosc, R. Ystoria del noble Vespesiano, RH, While in the Legenda aurea the two stories are independent and isolated, in the Vindicta they consititute a homogeneous whole. The legitimization of the place that they occupied was based on other arguments, mainly ones that were genealogical in nature.

By Bonnie Millar. Et quia in mortem. The sources used for the writing of this study ranged from chronicles to genealogical literature, legislative compilations, chivalric treatises and diplomatic documents.

For its relationship to the Galician version, see Connolly a: and b: It can therefore be inferred that, in the society existing at the time of the Reconquest, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the functional dimension of chivalry was highly important. Duarte de Meneses

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